A Time for Revival
Breakaway and comeback. Hashemi Rafsanjani regained people’s trust after his unexpected speech in Friday prayers
Since the announcement of Hashemi Rafsanjani’s presence in July 17th Friday prayers, which is also the anniversary of Tehran’s first Friday prayers after the revolution led by Ayatollah Taleghani, a lot of conjectures were made on Hashemi’s performance.
The unique nature of Friday prayers –in which the prayers leader symbolically holds a weapon in his hand- and the –up to Friday- cautious, pragmatist personality of Hashemi Rafsanjani, had made the political analysts hesitant in predicting the content of his speech, though a member of his family had said that the Ayatollah has [important] words to say for people on Friday.
Up to July 17th, those who regularly attended the Friday prayers were also ordinary citizens. But this time, Hashemi Rafsanjani’s presence monumentally increased the attendees of this revolutionary ceremony and attracted throngs of people who may have never had passed the prayers’ venue before. Hashemi took the definition of ’audience’ of Friday prayers to new borders.
Rafsanjani had chosen a critical moment for his breakaway. He is the only hope of objectors to the elections results; one who stands in a high position inside the political system and enjoys the support of credible figures. But this has also made him prone to attacks by political rivals. For the movement begun by political reformists and intended to bring structural changes, Hashemi is the ace which they should keep up their sleeve and use at the best moment.
For supporters of Musavi and Karrubi, who listened with acute anxiety, Hashemi Rafsanjani’s unanticipated, progressive speech was the best morale booster. The reformist front has been in such a precarious position that Rafsanjani’s speech is a new blood in their veins. And his speech did not even need loose interpretations to fit reformists’ agenda.
For the first time in his life Hashemi Rafsanjani decided to make a speech which was in total contrast with his personality as a Friday prayers leader. His words were utterly unpleasant for the traditional attendees of the prayers, caused offense and widened the rift in higher ranks of the Islamic Republic. Hashemi adopted a stance totally different from other Friday prayers’ leaders. Probably the most remarkable in his speech was calling the protestors not with belittling labels but calling them ’the people/nation’.
His defense of political prisoners was another prodigy of the history of Friday prayers. Hashemi criticized security and judiciary forces and defended prisoners who were called thugs, subversives and agents of velvet revolution by other officials and Friday prayers speakers. This will be a turning point, not only in the history of Friday prayers, but also in Hashemi’s political life.
Hashemi Rafsanjani is the first high-ranking official of the establishment who seeks the consolation of mourning families and talks of the responsibility of the Islamic Republic towards them. Hashemi’s words were welcomed by those mainly outside of the main venue of Friday prayers, sitting in streets around the Tehran University and surrounding the traditional attendees of the Friday prayers.
In the thirtieth anniversary of the Islamic Republic and memorial of the first post-revolution Friday prayers, Hashemi felt impelled to reintroduce the Islamic Republic’s ideology and institutions set up by the first generation of revolution to assert that Islamicity and republicity of the establishment can not be obliterated. He also gave the major weight to republicity. Hashemi emphasized that realization of an Islamic establishment is impossible in absence of people’s vote and their consent, and that Ayatollah Khomeini believed in nothing other than an Islamic Republic.
Traditional attendees of the prayers frowned upon Hashemi Rafsanjani’s warnings about the future of the Islamic establishment, foreign countries’ exploitation of doubts on the election legitimacy and domestic disunion; however, the ’Allah-o Akbar’ chants coming from the streets around confirmed his warnings about the threat of growing rift.
Hashemi’s advices were not over. He reminded of the early days of Islamic and Prophet Muhammad’s insistence on gaining people’s consent to form the government. Once again Hashemi Rafsanjani pointed to republicity and asked everyone to think of solutions for ending post-election disagreements and challenges. These were not quoted by anyone as Hashemi’s word, nor were words written on and read from a paper. These came from Hashemi’s heart, when no one expected to hear them. Most interesting were the faces of Ali Akbar Nategh Nouri and vice-speaker of the parliament Mohammad Reza Bahonar when Hashemi was delivering his speech.
These days, under the highest pressure from the supporters of the government, Hashemi openly and surprisingly defended political prisoners and called their detention a hasty, unwise measure. When Hashemi redefined nation, republicity, nation-establishment relation, Islamic establishment, elections and its objectors, national unity, media freedom etc. he was in fact reviving the forgotten democratic fundaments of the Islamic Republic and with this, he also revived himself.
Hashemi’s opponents are not a new emerging group. Many years ago they attacked the era of his presidency (’the age of prosperity’), and regarded him as the person behind reformist movement. In the tenth election, they launched their anti-Hashemi project with new accusations and targeted him directly with their tirades.
Hashemi Rafsanjani is one of the architects of the Islamic Republic who has drawn the road map of the revolution for the upcoming decades. However, the project of ousting Hashemi from power has started since some years ago and with the tenth presidential elections, it entered a new phase.
Head of the Council of Experts showed his shrewdness however by well-timed presence and turned the July 17th Friday prayers a point of resurrection. Beside his opponents, Hashemi Rafsanjani has now found fervent supporters who are read to attend the Friday prayers and chant in his defense. Their cordon around Tehran University on Friday heartened Hashemi to announce his resurrection. It can be said that if Hashemi has old enemies, but he has found new supporters who have turned into a large unified group thanks to the tenth presidential elections.
Hashemi Rafsanjani had been attacked with charges of political and financial corruption for long, and was despised by a large portion of Iranians. The tides have turned however and he can now experience popularity from the kind Khatami and Musavi enjoy. Meanwhile, Hashemi’s trust-building should not distract us from today’s reality and future’s path. Rafsanjani’s thrilling breakaway from historical traditions and joining the forefront of protests will be followed with dangers which may parallel the achievements.
With the fissure between people, mistrust in the establishment and rise of external threats, Hashemi Rafsanjani has called the post-election situation a time of crisis which needs wise moves. We but tend to call it the era of a new Hashemi who has regained people’s trust. We have to wait and see if Hashemi Rafsanjani is ready to realize the changes Iranian society asks for. But one thing should not be forgotten: this ace should not be wasted, while for keeping it we also need other cards.
The unique nature of Friday prayers –in which the prayers leader symbolically holds a weapon in his hand- and the –up to Friday- cautious, pragmatist personality of Hashemi Rafsanjani, had made the political analysts hesitant in predicting the content of his speech, though a member of his family had said that the Ayatollah has [important] words to say for people on Friday.
Up to July 17th, those who regularly attended the Friday prayers were also ordinary citizens. But this time, Hashemi Rafsanjani’s presence monumentally increased the attendees of this revolutionary ceremony and attracted throngs of people who may have never had passed the prayers’ venue before. Hashemi took the definition of ’audience’ of Friday prayers to new borders.
Rafsanjani had chosen a critical moment for his breakaway. He is the only hope of objectors to the elections results; one who stands in a high position inside the political system and enjoys the support of credible figures. But this has also made him prone to attacks by political rivals. For the movement begun by political reformists and intended to bring structural changes, Hashemi is the ace which they should keep up their sleeve and use at the best moment.
For supporters of Musavi and Karrubi, who listened with acute anxiety, Hashemi Rafsanjani’s unanticipated, progressive speech was the best morale booster. The reformist front has been in such a precarious position that Rafsanjani’s speech is a new blood in their veins. And his speech did not even need loose interpretations to fit reformists’ agenda.
For the first time in his life Hashemi Rafsanjani decided to make a speech which was in total contrast with his personality as a Friday prayers leader. His words were utterly unpleasant for the traditional attendees of the prayers, caused offense and widened the rift in higher ranks of the Islamic Republic. Hashemi adopted a stance totally different from other Friday prayers’ leaders. Probably the most remarkable in his speech was calling the protestors not with belittling labels but calling them ’the people/nation’.
His defense of political prisoners was another prodigy of the history of Friday prayers. Hashemi criticized security and judiciary forces and defended prisoners who were called thugs, subversives and agents of velvet revolution by other officials and Friday prayers speakers. This will be a turning point, not only in the history of Friday prayers, but also in Hashemi’s political life.
Hashemi Rafsanjani is the first high-ranking official of the establishment who seeks the consolation of mourning families and talks of the responsibility of the Islamic Republic towards them. Hashemi’s words were welcomed by those mainly outside of the main venue of Friday prayers, sitting in streets around the Tehran University and surrounding the traditional attendees of the Friday prayers.
In the thirtieth anniversary of the Islamic Republic and memorial of the first post-revolution Friday prayers, Hashemi felt impelled to reintroduce the Islamic Republic’s ideology and institutions set up by the first generation of revolution to assert that Islamicity and republicity of the establishment can not be obliterated. He also gave the major weight to republicity. Hashemi emphasized that realization of an Islamic establishment is impossible in absence of people’s vote and their consent, and that Ayatollah Khomeini believed in nothing other than an Islamic Republic.
Traditional attendees of the prayers frowned upon Hashemi Rafsanjani’s warnings about the future of the Islamic establishment, foreign countries’ exploitation of doubts on the election legitimacy and domestic disunion; however, the ’Allah-o Akbar’ chants coming from the streets around confirmed his warnings about the threat of growing rift.
Hashemi’s advices were not over. He reminded of the early days of Islamic and Prophet Muhammad’s insistence on gaining people’s consent to form the government. Once again Hashemi Rafsanjani pointed to republicity and asked everyone to think of solutions for ending post-election disagreements and challenges. These were not quoted by anyone as Hashemi’s word, nor were words written on and read from a paper. These came from Hashemi’s heart, when no one expected to hear them. Most interesting were the faces of Ali Akbar Nategh Nouri and vice-speaker of the parliament Mohammad Reza Bahonar when Hashemi was delivering his speech.
These days, under the highest pressure from the supporters of the government, Hashemi openly and surprisingly defended political prisoners and called their detention a hasty, unwise measure. When Hashemi redefined nation, republicity, nation-establishment relation, Islamic establishment, elections and its objectors, national unity, media freedom etc. he was in fact reviving the forgotten democratic fundaments of the Islamic Republic and with this, he also revived himself.
Hashemi’s opponents are not a new emerging group. Many years ago they attacked the era of his presidency (’the age of prosperity’), and regarded him as the person behind reformist movement. In the tenth election, they launched their anti-Hashemi project with new accusations and targeted him directly with their tirades.
Hashemi Rafsanjani is one of the architects of the Islamic Republic who has drawn the road map of the revolution for the upcoming decades. However, the project of ousting Hashemi from power has started since some years ago and with the tenth presidential elections, it entered a new phase.
Head of the Council of Experts showed his shrewdness however by well-timed presence and turned the July 17th Friday prayers a point of resurrection. Beside his opponents, Hashemi Rafsanjani has now found fervent supporters who are read to attend the Friday prayers and chant in his defense. Their cordon around Tehran University on Friday heartened Hashemi to announce his resurrection. It can be said that if Hashemi has old enemies, but he has found new supporters who have turned into a large unified group thanks to the tenth presidential elections.
Hashemi Rafsanjani had been attacked with charges of political and financial corruption for long, and was despised by a large portion of Iranians. The tides have turned however and he can now experience popularity from the kind Khatami and Musavi enjoy. Meanwhile, Hashemi’s trust-building should not distract us from today’s reality and future’s path. Rafsanjani’s thrilling breakaway from historical traditions and joining the forefront of protests will be followed with dangers which may parallel the achievements.
With the fissure between people, mistrust in the establishment and rise of external threats, Hashemi Rafsanjani has called the post-election situation a time of crisis which needs wise moves. We but tend to call it the era of a new Hashemi who has regained people’s trust. We have to wait and see if Hashemi Rafsanjani is ready to realize the changes Iranian society asks for. But one thing should not be forgotten: this ace should not be wasted, while for keeping it we also need other cards.