Security agreement with the US no threat to third parties / I will continue Karzai’s Iran policy
Interview by: Sara Massoumi / Translated by: Ali Attaran
Iranian Diplomacy: Afghanistan will hold its first post-Karzai elections on 5th of April 2014. As Karzai’s tenure is coming to its end, and in case of a single-round, peaceful presidential poll, The Arg, Afghanistan’s presidential palace, will host its new resident by the end of May 2014. From an initial group of twenty-seven hopefuls, eleven candidates have been qualified who according to the Constitution of Afghanistan should announce the name of their first and second would-be vice presidents upon registration. With the importance of ethnicity factor in Afghanistan’s politics, selection of the two deputies is a consequential choice. Pashtuns, Tajiks, Hazaras and Uzbeks form the majority of Afghanistan’s population, although in the country’s contemporary history, except for rule of Amanullah Khan in early twentieth century, Babrak Karmal during the Soviet invasion, and Burhanuddin Rabbani at the time of Mujahedeen’s rule, Pashtuns have always held sway in politics. Among the 11 candidates who have been approved for the presidential race, 10 belong to the Pashtun community, while one, veteran Dr. Abdullah Abdullah, is from a mixed Pashtun-Tajik background. Latest surveys show that Abdullah Abdullah, Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai and Zalmai Rassoul are the leading candidates.
Late March, in a visit to Kabul, Iranian Diplomacy reporters interviewed the three primary candidates, discussing with them their plans to govern Afghanistan in case of election. Interview with Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai is the first in these series of interviews to be published by Iranian Diplomacy. Entering the scene with the slogan Change and Continuity, Ahmadzai has picked the Uzbek General Abdol Rashid Dostum as his first deputy and ethnic Hazara Sarwir Danish as his second deputy. Besides his office in the World Bank during the early 1990s, a graduate of the Columbia University in anthropology, Ahmadzai has served as a lecturer in universities of Kabul, Aarhus University in Denmark, and John Hopkins University. He has also served as an advisor to Lakhdar Brahimi, former UN special representative for Afghanistan affairs in the 2001 Bonn Conference, Hamid Karzai’s financial advisor in 2001, Minister of Finance from 2002 to 2004, and head of the Security Transition Commission during the past two years. Ghani, whose seem to be on a different plane than Zalmai Rassoul and Abdullah Abdullah, is viewed by some analysts as Pakistan’s and Saudi Arabia’s favorite candidate. In a recent controversial debate, when asked about the destination of his first foreign trip if elected as president, he responded: Saudi Arabia. However, it seems that his economic views and his more eloquent articulation of Afghans’ economic concerns are his winning cards in the presidential race. Following, is a translated transcript of our interview with Dr. Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai in his mansion in Kabul:
IRD: Let’s start with your slogan, Change and Continuity. In Afghanistan’s domestic politics, which areas need change, and which need continuity?
AGA: As you said, my electoral slogan is change and continuity. One of the issues in Afghanistan that calls for change is enforcing the constitution. If this takes place, each Afghan national will become a citizen, enjoying rights equal to every other Afghan national. This is our primary goal in enforcing the Constitution. The second point about change goes back to the quality of administering and governing the country. Bureaucratic corruption has turned into a cancerous tumor in Afghanistan today. Fundamental reforms that can earn the trust of citizens, and an efficient government that can realize dreams of the nation, is the second area which needs change. The third issue is participation of three communities that are demographically superior yet economically and politically marginalized; that is, the youth, women and the poor. We have to lay the groundwork for maximal participation of these three groups in political, economic, and judicial spheres; at all levels of government, from national to rural. The fourth issue is the economic structure. The current structure is consumption-based, and dependent on foreign aid. Our objective is to create a production-based structure in which the rights of capital and capitalists’ are observed, and there are equal employment opportunities for the youth and women. The government should earn significant, measured and of course legal revenues, and move towards eradication of poverty in Afghanistan.
Economic relations between ministries, provinces and districts should be reformed. My goal is to move 40 percent of the budget from the national level to other levels, so that each region receives its deserved share from the national budget, and the government concentrates on other strategic issues.
For me, the most important area that calls for change is establishing a sustainable peace. In fact, we are trying to materialize a peace process through which Afghan citizens come to the belief that state forces can provide them security. That is how we can live together in a secure atmosphere. The current use of force against state powers should give its way to political dialogue, and eventually, solid political parties should form. It is through dialogue and compromise that we can move towards moderation. The Afghan community is of course moderate, but our politics do not correspond to this moderation.
Therefore, the first result of these changes will be that we no longer would have a silent majority. The majority will have specific share and specific demands in different spheres, from economy to politics. What we have in vision is a stable society, and a strong, well-endowed state; a state and a society which will serve a positive, productive role for the future generations of Afghanistan.
IRD: Within the past two years, you supervised the process of transferring responsibility from foreign troops to Afghan forces. What is the state of Afghan security forces at the moment? Can they maintain peace at the national level?
AGA: Security is an inevitably comparative phenomenon. For example, Kabul is safer than Karachi, or Mazar Sharif is safer than Lahore. If you compare Afghan and Pakistani cities on a one-to-one basis, you will see that Afghan cities rank higher. If you compare the situation with Iran, you have to confess that the state of security in Iran is better. If the ultimate goal of preparing Afghan security forces is to maintain the country’s sovereignty, we are now capable of achieving that goal. From a security perspective, the government is not prone to fall.
The Afghan army has developed specific capabilities. Security has improved since a significant number of foreign troops have left the country. In no region in Afghanistan we face the possibility of security forces’ failure. Therefore, the process of handing security responsibilities from American forces to Afghanistan’s security apparatus has been partially accomplished, despite initial skepticism among Afghan citizens. Our security forces are now trained and equipped. The security academy of Afghanistan now attracts a significant share of human resources’ investment which guarantees the country’s security in future. A new generation of officers is forming, and within ten years we can see full professionalization of our security forces. Professionalization is our point of strength, and our hopeful prospect. Another point is that popular support for security forces is increasing day by day. The level of trust in the national army and police among public opinion has exceeded 60 percent. Our forces in the security apparatus, the army and the police are all voluntary recruits and we have seen third or fourth extension of the three-year tenure by some of them.
Budget is our major problem. Annual revenues of the Afghan government are around 2 billion dollars while our security expenses are around 5 billion. Thus, we need to contact the international community on this issue, since without the promised 35 billion dollar budget for Afghanistan security forces, announced in the 2012 Chicago Summit, we would have no other solution and cannot continue further. A solid financial base is necessary for sustention of Afghanistan’s security in future.
IRD: You have supported signing a bilateral security agreement with the United States. What benefits do you see in signing this agreement? Could it guarantee improvement in Afghanistan’s state of security?
AGA: The security agreement with the US acknowledges our sovereignty for the first time. Before 9/11, UN Security Council had approved international forces’ entering Afghanistan’s territory and their right to use arms. This has been ratified by UN resolutions. The security agreement takes away this right from international troops and excludes it to Afghans. Foreign security forces will be disfranchised of the right to use weapons in Afghan soil. The exclusive right to use weapons is fully transferred to the Afghan government. Also, the government will have sovereignty over Afghanistan’s airspace. So, in the current circumstances I think the security agreement is in favor of our national interests.
Something should be noted, and that is, the presence of international forces is in nature a responsibility, not a goal to be accomplished. Our goal is to sign an agreement to provide regional stability and prosperity. Within the boundaries of this agreement, the strategic threat of extremist movements that threaten all regional parties should be countered at first, and then be analyzed and completely rooted out. Regional cooperation is the key solution to this problem.
I have to remind that for us, security agreement with the United States does not stand at odds with the principle of regional cooperation. Considering its geographical and historical circumstances, Afghanistan should significantly bolster its regional relations, because our future, especially in the field of economy, depends on regional cooperation.
IRD: One of the most important factors in the upcoming elections is the issue of ethnicity. What are your plans for inclusive participation of Afghanistan’s ethnicities in your cabinet?
AGA: As I said, a principle that I follow is the full participation of all citizens. Active role of the great Tajik community that has formed the administrative backbone of governments in Afghanistan for more than one thousand years is extremely important. The current triad, one president and two deputies, does not accord with the situation in Afghanistan. We have promised to modify the constitution at the fourth year of presidency, and increase the number of deputies to at least three, or as is my preference, four. Every issue that bears symbolic significance (and relates to public choice) can lead to tension and hostility. In the meantime, balance in the three executive, judiciary and legislative powers in terms of ethnic composition and citizens’ participation is necessary. In the cabinet and in all branches of executive power, we believe that broad public participation in decision-making processes is a necessity. However, inclusive participation doesn’t mean that a certain institution should be dominated by a certain group. Each and every institution in Afghanistan belongs to all citizens.
Public participation could not be devoid of goodwill and vigilance. Without these elements, change in the state of affairs which is the demand of all Afghans will not take place. What people want is to give the right job to the right person, and replace cronyism by rule of law. There is the ethnicity-based point of view, and there is diverse social groups’ point of view. We need to establish balance between these two points of views, so that all citizens feel that their demands are realized, and in the meantime, they see an efficient government in power, one that can materialize their dreams.
IRD: Hamid Karzai seems to have succeeded in improving relations with Iran during his two terms of presidency, and this is seen as a significant diplomatic achievement of his administration. How will you respond to Iran’s concerns, especially about the presence of foreign troops in Afghanistan?
AGA: I will continue our current Iran policy, as it fits within my Change and Continuity framework. The foreign policy that Hamid Karzai has followed so far is very important to us, especially in its regional aspect. What I see is a number of important ‘circles’ in Afghanistan’s foreign policy. These include: our region, the Muslim World, United States, the European Union, NATO and Japan, Canada, Asia, international aid organizations, and corporations active in Afghanistan.
Iran and Afghanistan have many common interests. First of all, they have no border disputes. They recognize each others’ sovereignty and believe in state-to-state talk. Our relations are primarily based on mutual respect. During the previous decades, Iran has signed treaties in line with its own national interests. Afghanistan’s security agreement with the United States will never be a threat for Kabul’s relations with Tehran. It is necessitated by our national interests, and signing it is part of our right as a sovereign state. The government of Afghanistan will never allow for its territory to be used against Iran. This has been entailed in the security agreement. Afghanistan will never turn into a base for action against Iran. On the other hand, Iran should also understand that every country should keep balance in its foreign relations to serve its national interests. These interests guide cooperation with other countries.
In the field of economics, we have massive plans for cooperation with Iran. Chabahar [port in Iran’s Sistan & Baluchestan Province] is of vital importance for us, and we call for all-out development of relations between Iran, India and Afghanistan in this area. Two-way transit is also extremely important. At least 30 percent of our imports pass through Iranian ports, and we hope that a major portion of our exports to [Persian] Gulf countries and other regions take place through Iranian ports. We also want Afghanistan to be the gate to South Asian markets for Iran. Regarding the matter of commodity smuggling, we want all unofficial border trade portals to be become official hubs.
An important issue that calls for joint efforts and needs a coordinated plan is eradication of narcotics cultivation and trafficking. Iran is a main consumer of narcotics and spends billions of dollars annually to confront this problem. In the meantime, it is also a main importer of food products. We are seeking a long term agreement to import our agricultural products to Iran, while having the most earnest collaboration to eradicate problems with narcotics. Iran is serious about this, and the role of other regional countries in solving this problem is much less than Iran. Environmental issues are another matter. For example, climate change is a common threat. Also, we need extensive cooperation to actualize our policies regarding natural disasters.
Afghan immigrants in Iran also need attention. They occupy professions shunned by most Iranians. Based on international conventions and an organized plan, we need serious dialogue over economic immigrants whom Iran is in dire need of. The rights of these immigrants should be clarified, and their repatriation should become subject to coherent, comprehensive, and organized plans.
Meanwhile, is that as a solid, stable state, Iran is facing extraterritorial issues nowadays. Common threats against Iran and Afghanistan are not confined inside domestic borders, and to solve them, we need extraterritorial cooperation. We hope that within the framework of regional cooperation, Iran closely cooperates with Afghanistan.
IRD: What are your plans to control the extremists, particularly Taliban, in Afghanistan? It seems that elements within the state of Pakistan support Taliban. How are you going to deal with this issue?
AGA: As I said, we aim for sustainable peace. The process is actualized in three national, regional and international areas. At the national level, our efforts aim to find the roots of discontent. At the regional level, the issue that emerges is that of intervention in sovereign states. In this area, we support fundamental cooperation with the government of Pakistan. I insist that this cooperation takes place between the governments. The government of Pakistan has also come to understand that extremism threatens Islamabad too. Within the regional framework, what is needed is cooperation between all regional powers, especially Iran, and all parties must come to the understanding that the stability of each of them relies on the stability of the other regional states. We will make serious efforts to realize that.
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