New Mechanisms for Interaction
Interview with Mohammad Farazmand, Iran’s former ambassador to Bahrain and Persian Gulf affairs expert, on Iran-Saudi Arabia relations
Iran has reacted to accusations of supporting the Houthis in Yemen. How do you see the reaction?
The accusations seem to be an offshoot of the tense Iran-Saudi Arabia relations. Tehran and Riyadh are not in good terms and every regional issue turns into an opportunity for each to propagandize against the other. If the bilateral ties return into the right track, all that sound and fury will subside. Yemen is the epitome of the tensions.
What is the best way to assuage the concerns of Arab states over Iran’s regional influence?
First, we should create an appropriate mechanism which resumes Iran-Saudi Arabia dialogue. Such a mechanism has not existed during the past two or three years. And currently all the channels towards contact between Iran and Arab states are blocked. A new mechanism should be devised for negotiation and removing mistrusts.
Last week, Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki stressed on the necessity of non-intervention in Yemen’s domestic affairs. Could this relieve the worries of Yemen and other regional states about Tehran’s influence?
Such commonplaces are always heard when tensions rise and each side tries to strike back. All the ‘who started it?’ row will end in no acceptable result. The only way, as I said, is to think of a mechanism for dialogue. That would end the accusations.
Iran and Saudi Arabia have had their heyday of warm relations. Those days have unfortunately passed. What we observe today is confrontation on all critical issues such as the hajj, Lebanon, Palestine and Persian Gulf affairs.
A few days ago, the Lebanese national unity cabinet was formed after more than four months of disagreement and boycott. This was indeed a constructive measure that can soothe the tensions in Middle East. King Abdullah’s visit to Damascus facilitated the formation of Saad Hariri’s cabinet reportedly.
My question is what is Iran’s role in these diplomatic exchanges? Why couldn’t it wield its regional leverage and perform a more significant diplomatic role? Last year, Iran ceded this responsibility to Qatar and now to Saudi Arabia and Syria. This clearly shows the import of having close ties with Saudi Arabia in order to have a proactive regional diplomacy.
How can Mottaki’s upcoming visit Saudi Arabia expedite the détente process?
It can be helpful since no contacts have been made between the two parties for long, and the more the exchanges, the higher are the chances of a renewed friendship.
It is said that Mottaki visit is to reassure the Saudis that Iran has no intention of disrupting the Hajj. Wouldn’t that boomerang on the reconciliation plan?
Diplomats normally assess the temporal conditions before they state the objectives of a plan. It is the hajj season and both Tehran and Riyadh are concerned about any possible disorders. So it is not strange when Iranian officials say that guaranteeing a peaceful hajj is the aim of this visit. But if Iran and Saudi Arabia want to return to the good old days, a framework larger than hajj problems is definitely needed.
The accusations seem to be an offshoot of the tense Iran-Saudi Arabia relations. Tehran and Riyadh are not in good terms and every regional issue turns into an opportunity for each to propagandize against the other. If the bilateral ties return into the right track, all that sound and fury will subside. Yemen is the epitome of the tensions.
What is the best way to assuage the concerns of Arab states over Iran’s regional influence?
First, we should create an appropriate mechanism which resumes Iran-Saudi Arabia dialogue. Such a mechanism has not existed during the past two or three years. And currently all the channels towards contact between Iran and Arab states are blocked. A new mechanism should be devised for negotiation and removing mistrusts.
Last week, Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki stressed on the necessity of non-intervention in Yemen’s domestic affairs. Could this relieve the worries of Yemen and other regional states about Tehran’s influence?
Such commonplaces are always heard when tensions rise and each side tries to strike back. All the ‘who started it?’ row will end in no acceptable result. The only way, as I said, is to think of a mechanism for dialogue. That would end the accusations.
Iran and Saudi Arabia have had their heyday of warm relations. Those days have unfortunately passed. What we observe today is confrontation on all critical issues such as the hajj, Lebanon, Palestine and Persian Gulf affairs.
A few days ago, the Lebanese national unity cabinet was formed after more than four months of disagreement and boycott. This was indeed a constructive measure that can soothe the tensions in Middle East. King Abdullah’s visit to Damascus facilitated the formation of Saad Hariri’s cabinet reportedly.
My question is what is Iran’s role in these diplomatic exchanges? Why couldn’t it wield its regional leverage and perform a more significant diplomatic role? Last year, Iran ceded this responsibility to Qatar and now to Saudi Arabia and Syria. This clearly shows the import of having close ties with Saudi Arabia in order to have a proactive regional diplomacy.
How can Mottaki’s upcoming visit Saudi Arabia expedite the détente process?
It can be helpful since no contacts have been made between the two parties for long, and the more the exchanges, the higher are the chances of a renewed friendship.
It is said that Mottaki visit is to reassure the Saudis that Iran has no intention of disrupting the Hajj. Wouldn’t that boomerang on the reconciliation plan?
Diplomats normally assess the temporal conditions before they state the objectives of a plan. It is the hajj season and both Tehran and Riyadh are concerned about any possible disorders. So it is not strange when Iranian officials say that guaranteeing a peaceful hajj is the aim of this visit. But if Iran and Saudi Arabia want to return to the good old days, a framework larger than hajj problems is definitely needed.